[D145.Ebook] PDF Ebook PowerNomics : The National Plan to Empower Black America, by Dr. Claud Anderson

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PowerNomics: The National Plan to Empower Black America is a five-year plan to make Black America a prosperous and empowered race that is self-sufficient and competitive as a group by the year 2005. In this book, Dr. Anderson obliterates the myths and illusions of black progress and brings together data and information from many different sources to construct a framework for solutions to the dilemma of Black America. In PowerNomics: The National Plan, Dr. Anderson proposes new principles, strategies and concepts that show blacks a new way to see, think, and behave in race matters. The new mind set prepares blacks to take strategic steps to create a new reality for their race. It offers guidance to others who support blacks self-sufficiency. In this book, Dr. Anderson offers insightful analysis and action steps blacks can take to redesign core areas of life - Education, Economics, Politics and Religion - to better benefit their race. The action steps in each area require new empowerment tools that Dr. Anderson presents - a new group vision and a new culture of empowerment - tools designed to counter, if not break many of the racial monopolies in society. Vertical integration and Industrializing black communities are other major concepts and strategies that he presents in the book. He places a great deal of importance on building industries in black communities that are constructed upon group competitive advantages. A the same time he announced the release of PowerNomics: The National Plan, he also announced that he has established several models of the strategies he proposes in the book. PowerNomics: The Plan, is infused with Dr. Anderson's trademark creative thinking and answers questions such as: - Why are blacks the only group that equates success with working in a White corporation, government or the entertainment industry? - How did power and wealth - businesses, resources, privileges, income and control of all levels of government get so disproportionately distributed into the hands of White society?

- Industrialization brings many economic benefits to the geographic locations where it occurs. Why has Black America never been industrialized and how can it be done? - Why do visible blacks and black leaders avoid blackness, identifying the focus of their work instead for people of color, minorities, women, gays , the poor, Hispanics, and other immigrant groups? - What enables a constant stream of immigrant groups to politically, economically and socially dominate blacks? - In politics, how is it that blacks can be monolithic and loyal political supporters yet their group receives no quid pro quo benefits? - In his first book, Black Labor, White Wealth, Dr. Anderson examined history and showed how racism has locked and boxed blacks into a near permanent underclass. Picking up where Black Labor, White Wealth left off, PowerNomics: The National Plan is the missing link between the historical analysis of problems facing blacks and the strategies needed to correct those problems. Dr. Anderson's books are a phenomenon in the publishing industry. His work is distinguished because he has turned books that are serious, non-fiction, and heavy on black history, into best-sellers. PowerNomics: The National Plan continues that pattern. It is an astounding work.

• Sales Rank: #11799 in Books
• Published on: 2001-02
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.25" w x 1.00" l, 1.25 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 288 pages

About the Author
Dr. Claud Anderson is a noted black author who has successfully implemented social and economic change throughout his career. His unique background of experience is reflected in PowerNomics: The National Plan. To implement the strategy of industrializing Black communities, he has established a vertically integrated seafood industry that is currently operating and will expand into urban areas across the nation. His company is one of the few black-owned companies to make stock available to the general public through an initial public offering. In addition to his most recent seafood project, he owns a vertically integrated publishing company and was one of the first blacks to own a radio station in Florida.

Dr. Anderson headed two economic development corporations in Florida and was appointed by President Jimmy Carter as Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of Commerce and the head of the Coastal Plains Regional Commission. In that position he worked with governors in the southeast states to develop and fund economic development projects, including seafood. He was Coordinator of Education for the State of Florida under Governor Reubin Askew during integration and has held a number of high-level positions in national and state politics. He is also President of The Harvest Institute, a black research, education and advocacy organization. He is imminently qualified to offer a plan to empower Black America.

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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Must Read. Just not at bed time. You've been warned!
By Stephen
I had to stop reading this book at bedtime. I'd get through one paragraph, get angry and couldn't get any sleep.

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Just get it, read it and apply it
By kaylan hawkins
Awesome book. I wish i had read it as a freshman in college

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[R719.Ebook] Ebook Download The Harm in Hate Speech (Oliver Wendell Holmes Lectures), by Jeremy Waldron

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Every liberal democracy has laws or codes against hate speech except the United States. For constitutionalists, regulation of hate speech violates the First Amendment and damages a free society. Against this absolutist view, Jeremy Waldron argues powerfully that hate speech should be regulated as part of our commitment to human dignity and to inclusion and respect for members of vulnerable minorities.

Causing offense by depicting a religious leader as a terrorist in a newspaper cartoon, for example is not the same as launching a libelous attack on a group s dignity, according to Waldron, and it lies outside the reach of law. But defamation of a minority group, through hate speech, undermines a public good that can and should be protected: the basic assurance of inclusion in society for all members. A social environment polluted by anti-gay leaflets, Nazi banners, and burning crosses sends an implicit message to the targets of such hatred: your security is uncertain and you can expect to face humiliation and discrimination when you leave your home.

Free-speech advocates boast of despising what racists say but defending to the death their right to say it. Waldron finds this emphasis on intellectual resilience misguided and points instead to the threat hate speech poses to the lives, dignity, and reputations of minority members. Finding support for his view among philosophers of the Enlightenment, Waldron asks us to move beyond knee-jerk American exceptionalism in our debates over the serious consequences of hateful speech."

• Sales Rank: #354304 in Books
• Brand: Harvard University Press
• Published on: 2014-10-06
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 7.70" h x .81" w x 5.03" l, .0 pounds
• Binding: Paperback
• 304 pages

Features

• Harvard University Press

Review
[Waldron's] book sheds light on a number of difficult issues, and occasionally exposes the difference between historical fact and fiction...He elegantly and convincingly advocates that our leaders should not only avoid the use of hate speech themselves, but also condemn its use by others...We should all do our best to preserve President Ford's conception of America as a place where we can disagree without being disagreeable. An understanding of the arguments in Waldron's book may help us to do so.--John Paul Stevens"New York Review of Books" (06/07/2012)

This is a wonderful book. It conveys complex ideas in an accessible and convincing way...Jeremy Waldron has put together a clear and compelling rationale for hate-speech laws--the harm that it causes to human dignity.--Katharine Gelber"Times Higher Education" (05/31/2012)

To the (mostly white) liberals who say they hate the content of hate speech, but defend its right to exist under the First Amendment (often while patting themselves on the back for their tolerance), Waldron replies, in essence: easy for you to say. In this brief, eloquent book, he urges readers (at a bare minimum) to think about how hate speech feels from the point of view of its targets...From key court battles Waldron teases out the ideas that matter in deciding how to balance free expression with a free society, one in which everybody can "know that when they leave home in the morning, they can count on not being discriminated against or humiliated or terrorized."--Kate Tuttle"Boston Globe" (05/27/2012)

Waldron...challenges society and its legal system to do something about [the harm done by hate speech]. But the likelihood that something will be done is slim if Waldron is right about the state of First Amendment discourse: "[I]n the American debate, the philosophical arguments about hate speech are knee-jerk, impulsive and thoughtless." Not the arguments of this book, however; they hit the mark every time.--Stanley Fish"New York Times" (06/04/2012)

The Harm in Hate Speech is the fullest embodiment of arguments that Waldron has been developing for years...Waldron's treatise is primarily a philosophical defense of hate-speech regulation. He argues that hate speech is an "environmental" problem that pollutes the atmosphere of security and dignity that society should provide to all its members...Speech intended to intimidate or malign destroys this assurance...While we should continue to protect the free speech of those we disagree with, The Harm in Hate Speech makes a compelling case that they are not the only ones who need defending.--Daniel Townshend"American Prospect" (06/15/2012)

We have plenty of free speech in this country, but not nearly enough free speech about free speech itself. In this elegantly written, fair minded, and carefully reasoned book, Jeremy Waldron raises important issues about the real harm caused by certain kinds of speech. His argument is certain to give even free speech absolutists pause.--Louis Michael Seidman, Georgetown University

This book develops a theory of hate speech that challenges existing U.S. legal rubrics. U.S. courts have repeatedly held that the First Amendment forbids criminalization of hate speech, but Waldron advances a broader view of the link between free expression and important social values such as tolerance and inclusiveness...If dignity is a concept that is valued by a polity, Waldron argues, then there are important reasons to distinguish hate speech from other forms of expression that merit legal protection. An elegant synthesis of modern legal philosophy and leading cases, as well as a critique of the positions of prominent legal theorists such as Ronald Dworkin and C. Edwin Baker, the book is a readable, thought-provoking contribution to the literature.--S. B. Lichtman"Choice" (12/01/2012)

Waldron is firmly on the side of the hate speech legislators. He wants free speech dogmatists to think again, and presents a series of challenges to the prevailing view in the U.S.--Nigel Warburton"Times Literary Supplement" (01/04/2013)

Jeremy Waldron's vigorous defense of restricting hate speech will benefit those who agree with him and those who do not. The book is clearly written, both subtle and inventive in its arguments, continuously stimulating, and shows a remarkable generosity of spirit. This is quite an achievement.--George Kateb, author of "Human Dignity"

Waldron is a legal and political thinker at the height of his powers. Even, or perhaps especially, for someone who disagrees with his position on hate speech legislation, this book conveys a subtle, rich, rigorous and deeply challenging argument.--Timothy Garton Ash, St Antony's College, University of Oxford

About the Author
Jeremy Waldron is University Professor in the School of Law at New York University.

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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
More than a book is a lesson for live
By Luis
Jeremy delivers a true lesson in this book and after you are done reading it you can't help but love thy neighbor... and drop the hate speech we have became so accustomed to see on our social media daily chats.

6 of 17 people found the following review helpful.
terrible
By x
This book is about 98% drivel. It is written in a very typical humanities style - his ideas and the logic/evidence behind them are so weak and vague that he tries to obscure the problem by rambling for pages on end. Everything he writes in the book could be stated in about one paragraph:

We should have hate speech law to protect the social standing of minorities. On the other hand, some argue that we should allow hate speech in order to add legitimacy to anti-discrimination laws, so that they can be fully debated, or that the concept of personal autonomy is damaged by not allowing one to fully express oneself.

That's basically it, so no need to waste your money on the entire book.

29 of 36 people found the following review helpful.
A really ugly argument
By Mark bennett
The author makes an argument against the broad traditional American view of Speech rights. He wants to create a legal and constititional window for the censoring and suppression of certain speech which he groups under the catch-all title of "hate speech". He invents a "group" right: the right to "dignity" which he then balances off against the right to speech in the system he describes. He tries to define his proposals as a positive (withdrawing a protection) rather than negative (banning something) but I really wonder if that sort of difference means anything at all?

Waldron is good at showing the reality of speech today. Of showing the limits under the current American system of law that already exist and how the preceptions of many don't quite line up with the reality of the system. While the arguments in that respect are well made and potentially educational, I don't think that they help his case much. The limits of free speech under the current system do not themselves say anything about the wisdom of new limits on speech.

What concerns me about the book is that he is hiding a broad set of concepts and changes to what speech rights means behind a "straw man" called hate speech. His straw man gives him easy examples which are difficult to argue against and at the same time allows him to avoid nearly all the broad consequences of his proposals.

The idea of dignity he presents both goes beyond just the issue of "hate speech" and raises difficult questions as a general principle. The book edges toward the logical consequences of applying "dignity" to images of women. Various advertising images and most especially pornography could well be argued as acting against the right to "dignity" of women. Waldron isn't really very effective in terms of drawing the lines of where "dignity" ends. Political speech, by its very nature, often leads to speech that impacts the dignity of one group or another. What is to be done when two groups (lets say Palestinians and Israelis) attack each others dignity as part of their politics? People on both sides of the gun issue assault each others dignity all the time. Was the campaign against the Koch brothers in recent years an attack on their dignity?

The problem with "hate speech" is that while its easy to find examples that it would be good to suppress, coming up with a legal framework that touches only those easy examples and nothing else is not so simple. Waldron's "dignity" approach didn't do it as far as I'm concerned. If it is applied as a principle, its reach is far too broad. If it is applied in the exception, it becomes a very arbitrary sort of law which will be selectively enforced based on politics.

Where are the limits of "dignity"?

Arbitrary enforcement has often been the problem with these laws in France. If the hate speech laws were uniformly applied, the outcome would have been many results which would be considered unacceptable. But in practice, the French courts have simply nullified the law's effects when it would produce an unacceptable result in terms of constraining speech. What is hate speech in France very much depends on who is making the speech and what the political majority thinks of them. Thus an unpopular minority comedian can be banned from performing. But a person considered a serious novelist or the producers of a film or the publishers of a popular satirical magazine will not be found guilty. The French courts have also said that while attacking an entire group (Muslims) is unacceptable hate speech, qualified attacks on minorities within the muslim community is acceptable speech. Therefore while words said against "muslims" are hate, to say the same words against "fundementalist muslims" or "terrorist muslims" are not hate.

The great problem in France is that while those who favor these laws talk about protecting groups, what is empowered by these laws is the political majority. What the majority does with the laws is favor or punish speech according to their views and prejudices. The actual views and social status of the protected groups is incidental to the entire process.

Another matter I would note is the ugly modern history of the British Libel laws. In my opinion, exceptions created to open speech inevitably don't work to the good. They are as often as not a means by which the powerful can crush the weak through the law.

I personally think that hate speech should be dealt with through the concepts of individual harm and individual damage. I don't think that inventing metaphysical "group" rights into the law as regards speech is a workable idea. Damages have to be measurable and cannot be abstracted. In particular, nobody in an open society has a right to be protected from having their feelings hurt.

Waldon tries somewhat to deal the hurt feelings issue by trying to wrap his ideas in an idea of social standing. That its ok to hurt feelings, but not social standing. But rather than a solid principle, that only seems to lead to arbitrary enforcement based on whatever groups the majority in society deems worthy of protection.

In the end, I am left less than convinced of any justification for these changes to the law. The harm done by trying to regulate hate speech seems as if it will be far worse than the status quo. I also find it difficult to credit the idea that European countries are more advanced in their thinking on these subjects. I've mentioned before the atrocity of the British Libel laws. France is just as bad in that the system seems completely arbitrary if not outright political in restricting speech. In Germany, a comedian is arrested for mocking the President of Turkey.

And even more recently Facebook, Twitter, Google and Microsoft have agreed to speech restrictions in Europe. The new innovation is that the actual censorship is to be outsourced to a large degree to non-governmental organizations. The organizations will be considered "trusted reporters" of what speech is to be banned. This will in essence allow the companies to create a process where speech can be censored by third parties with no real possibility of appeal even to the companies themselves. The censored will lack the knowledge of who is responsible for the censorship decisions.

Worse yet, the "code of conduct" suggests a role for both the companies and the governments to identify and promote "counter narratives" through their services. Propaganda always being the sibling of censorship. Closer ties to law enforcement is of course also in the agreement.

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[N554.Ebook] PDF Ebook Reading Scripture Deeply: Millennials Take a Fresh Look at the Bible, by Richard S. Hess, E. Randolph Richards

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In Acts 8:26-39 we read the story of the Ethiopian eunuch who longed for someone to come and assist him in understanding the ancient writings of Scripture. The Holy Spirit sent him the apostle Philip whose explanation led to the eunuch’s conversion to Christianity. In June of 2013 eight scholars convened at Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, to devote a week to the discussion of how to interpret the Bible. Our vision in the book before us is to come alongside and join in the reading and interpretation of Scripture, so that we can all gain a better knowledge of its meaning and represent that meaning in our lives and relationships. The fruit of our discussions from that summer appear in the following chapters. Five of our number devoted themselves to the production of two chapters each. These deal with a range of subjects related to biblical interpretation in the twenty-first century. The result is a multi-dimensional introduction to the subject for the Bible reader who wishes to know how to approach some of the vexing problems of the biblical text and, more importantly, simply to read the Bible in such a way as to gather the most from this experience.

• Sales Rank: #525308 in Books
• Published on: 2015-09-10
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.00" h x .34" w x 6.00" l, .47 pounds
• Binding: Paperback
• 150 pages

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Five Stars
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[A482.Ebook] Ebook Download The Faith of an Atheist, by Joshua Colwell

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The Faith of an Atheist, by Joshua Colwell

Ebook Download The Faith of an Atheist, by Joshua Colwell

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In a universe without God, can there still be a greater purpose to our existence? This is the question Joshua Colwell found himself struggling with after the death of his father. A physics professor from a family of theologians, Colwell recounts his path to atheism and a humanist faith based on science, evolution, and – Star Trek.

• Sales Rank: #1262630 in eBooks
• Published on: 2012-10-09
• Released on: 2012-10-09
• Format: Kindle eBook

Most helpful customer reviews

6 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
One person's journey
By peter veitch
Interesting to get the author's perspective. Reads like a friendly story retelling his own personal journey, some interesting ideas in places. Honest, open and very readable. Bit of a star trek nut ( not that there's anything wrong with that). For the price of 1/3 cup of coffee , well worth it. Basically a show and tell exercise that outlines his thoughts as he was growing up and sees no reason to be a theist. Very short, a 20 minute or so read. Like a life story with most stuff left out except for that which related to his beliefs and shaping of.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
A thoughtful and personal look at the values and rationales of atheism
By Peter E. McGinn
I enjoyed this short text for a few reasons. Firstly, his description of his childhood experience with religion was very similar to my own. My parents were marginally Catholic, by which I mean we sometimes went to church, but they weren't at all devout (for which I am now grateful). My only positive memories of attending mass are walking with my brothers to the midnight Christmas service, where I at least knew the music, and attending a special guitar mass. And the only time I thought hard about religion was when my older brother died when he was 17. I even prayed - not for his soul or anything like that, but rather I prayed that there was a heaven so that I would see him again.

I also liked his discussion about what larger purpose or meaning in life atheists can base their lives around. If you can't score points towards admission to eternal cloud-hopping, what else is there? One response I have heard from prominent atheists is that non-belief allows us to focus on doing good during the limited time we are given, and striving to appreciate life and each other rather than settling for an unhappy life because we will receive our reward just beyond the bright tunnel and pearly gates. What Colwell introduces is more than that, a thoughtful discussion of how our individual and collective contributions are more meaningful than we might think. I will not say more than that and let you discover it for yourself. He also touches upon the "proofs" of religion, which of course are not proofs at all.

So if you are an atheist, or questioning whether you are an atheist, or you know an atheist and want to know more about atheism, this is a well-written and not too technical exploration of the subject on a personal level. Finally, I also liked this because it turns out Colwell is (or was at publication) a professor in a university in my own neck of the woods.

3 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Colwell's Wager
By T. Sheldon Spradley
At some point early in our education we should question the values and beliefs we acquired by the chance of birth. Some people never do. They seem to believe that by some great fortune they were born into the best values and the one true faith and fear deviating from such. I had a brother, a physicist now deceased who felt this way. He also appealed to Pascal's wager to support his position. I struggled with this problem into adulthood. I finally left the faith of my childhood. I could not square it with the findings of biology and astronomy. But I was uncomfortable being agnostic, and feared declaring myself atheist. Then I read how Professor Col well dealt with these same questions. Instead of stressing his position as something he did not believe, he took a position of faith. The faith of an atheist. I found this short essay interesting, and at times amusing. And I must say his faith makes as much sense -- no, more sense -- than the faith I grew up with, and the absurd statements we see people of religious faith making almost daily in the media. If u are questioning long held religious beliefs, this eBook will help u in your journey.

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[R463.Ebook] Ebook Free Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational ActionFrom Brand: Routledge

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'Informative and useful.' Development and Change Until recently, most civil society organizations (CSOs) operated at national or local levels. However, new global organizations and networks are increasingly emerging. This book examines what CSOs can achieve, and the barriers they face, when they break national boundaries and sectoral moulds and work with others in global networks. A series of case studies of CSO initiatives reveal how transnational action can yield impressive results in changing policies and public attitudes. The diverse range of CSOs studied includes consumer groups, trade unions, the anti-globalization protest movement, the World Social Forum, Jubilee 2000 and others. All reveal a remarkably similar array of practical challenges, from structure and leadership issues to governance dilemmas. The book offers practical guidance to those engaged with CSOs and contributes to academic enquiry about civil society.

• Sales Rank: #4667411 in Books
• Brand: Brand: Routledge
• Published on: 2003-06-01
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.00" w x .75" l, 1.01 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 208 pages

Features

• Used Book in Good Condition

Review
'Informative and useful.' Development and Change 'John Clark and collaborators have provided us with a lively, empirically based vue d'horizon of many of the advocacy networks and activist movements that cross borders today. Students of social movements, NGOs and practitioners will profit greatly from their book.' Mobilization 'It is well written and accessible for anyone with a general interest in efforts of citizens to come together to make global organisations, governments, and corporations more responsive to the world's most marginalised people.' Development in Practice, Feb 2004.

About the Author
John Clark is currently Project Director of the High-Level Panel on UN-Civil Society Relations. He is also a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics and author of Democratizing Development (1991) and Worlds Apart: Civil Society and the Battle for Ethical Globalization.

Most helpful customer reviews

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Dry But Unique Analysis of Worldwide Movements
By doomsdayer520
This is the type of book that sticks to a very dry and theoretical research focus, and appears to have little personality, but beneath the academic dross many interesting concepts and insights emerge. The essays here analyze worldwide social movements - most of which, but not all, are involved in anti-globalization protests. The presence of tens of thousands of protesters at the WTO conference in Seattle, and likewise in more recent meetings in other countries, shows that the protesters are organized and serious about their concerns, despite what the media tells you. In this book we find that a myriad of small and diverse groups dedicated to all sorts of causes have come together for the larger fight. The authors analyze the structures and methods of group organization, using mostly theories from sociology or political science, and this is where the most useful information develops. Especially interesting is the chapter studying the use of the Internet for widespread protest mobilization, plus chapters on the dynamics of movements for third world debt forgiveness and distribution of AIDS drugs. Beneath the dry academic writing is a lot of very useful information on how concerned individuals and groups can mobilize and organize in the most effective ways, for the greatest impact of their ideas. Hopefully this unexpectedly useful book will find its way into their hands. [~doomsdayer520~]

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